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Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass · Frederick Douglass

"James W. C. Pennington

"NEW YORK, SEPT. 15, 1838"

Upon receiving this certificate, and a five-dollar

bill from Mr. Ruggles, I shouldered one part of our

baggage, and Anna took up the other, and we set

out forthwith to take passage on board of the steam-

boat John W. Richmond for Newport, on our way

to New Bedford. Mr. Ruggles gave me a letter to a

Mr. Shaw in Newport, and told me, in case my

money did not serve me to New Bedford, to stop in

Newport and obtain further assistance; but upon our

*She was free.

+I had changed my name from Frederick BAILEY

to that of JOHNSON.

arrival at Newport, we were so anxious to get to a

place of safety, that, notwithstanding we lacked the

necessary money to pay our fare, we decided to take

seats in the stage, and promise to pay when we got

to New Bedford. We were encouraged to do this by

two excellent gentlemen, residents of New Bedford,

whose names I afterward ascertained to be Joseph

Ricketson and William C. Taber. They seemed at

once to understand our circumstances, and gave us

such assurance of their friendliness as put us fully

at ease in their presence. It was good indeed to meet

with such friends, at such a time. Upon reaching

New Bedford, we were directed to the house of Mr.

Nathan Johnson, by whom we were kindly received,

and hospitably provided for. Both Mr. and Mrs.

Johnson took a deep and lively interest in our wel-

fare. They proved themselves quite worthy of the

name of abolitionists. When the stage-driver found

us unable to pay our fare, he held on upon our bag-

gage as security for the debt. I had but to mention

the fact to Mr. Johnson, and he forthwith advanced

the money.

We now began to feel a degree of safety, and to

prepare ourselves for the duties and responsibilities

of a life of freedom. On the morning after our ar-

rival at New Bedford, while at the breakfast-table,

the question arose as to what name I should be

called by. The name given me by my mother was,

"Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey." I, how-

ever, had dispensed with the two middle names long

before I left Maryland so that I was generally known

by the name of "Frederick Bailey." I started from

Baltimore bearing the name of "Stanley." When I

got to New York, I again changed my name to "Fred-

erick Johnson," and thought that would be the last

change. But when I got to New Bedford, I found it

necessary again to change my name. The reason of

this necessity was, that there were so many Johnsons

in New Bedford, it was already quite difficult to

distinguish between them. I gave Mr. Johnson the

privilege of choosing me a name, but told him he

must not take from me the name of "Frederick."

I must hold on to that, to preserve a sense of my

identity. Mr. Johnson had just been reading the

"Lady of the Lake," and at once suggested that my

name be "Douglass." From that time until now I

have been called "Frederick Douglass;" and as I am

more widely known by that name than by either of

the others, I shall continue to use it as my own.

I was quite disappointed at the general appear-

ance of things in New Bedford. The impression

which I had received respecting the character and

condition of the people of the north, I found to be

singularly erroneous. I had very strangely supposed,

while in slavery, that few of the comforts, and

scarcely any of the luxuries, of life were enjoyed at

the north, compared with what were enjoyed by the

slaveholders of the south. I probably came to this

conclusion from the fact that northern people owned

no slaves. I supposed that they were about upon a

level with the non-slaveholding population of the

south. I knew ~they~ were exceedingly poor, and I had

been accustomed to regard their poverty as the nec-

essary consequence of their being non-slaveholders.

I had somehow imbibed the opinion that, in the

absence of slaves, there could be no wealth, and very

little refinement. And upon coming to the north, I

expected to meet with a rough, hard-handed, and

uncultivated population, living in the most Spartan-

like simplicity, knowing nothing of the ease, luxury,

pomp, and grandeur of southern slaveholders. Such

being my conjectures, any one acquainted with the

appearance of New Bedford may very readily infer

how palpably I must have seen my mistake.

In the afternoon of the day when I reached New

Bedford, I visited the wharves, to take a view of the

shipping. Here I found myself surrounded with the

strongest proofs of wealth. Lying at the wharves, and

riding in the stream, I saw many ships of the finest

model, in the best order, and of the largest size.

Upon the right and left, I was walled in by granite

warehouses of the widest dimensions, stowed to their

utmost capacity with the necessaries and comforts

of life. Added to this, almost every body seemed to

be at work, but noiselessly so, compared with what

I had been accustomed to in Baltimore. There were

no loud songs heard from those engaged in loading

and unloading ships. I heard no deep oaths or horrid

curses on the laborer. I saw no whipping of men;

but all seemed to go smoothly on. Every man ap-

peared to understand his work, and went at it with

a sober, yet cheerful earnestness, which betokened

the deep interest which he felt in what he was doing,

as well as a sense of his own dignity as a man. To me

this looked exceedingly strange. From the wharves I

strolled around and over the town, gazing with won-

der and admiration at the splendid churches, beauti-

ful dwellings, and finely-cultivated gardens; evincing

an amount of wealth, comfort, taste, and refinement,

such as I had never seen in any part of slaveholding

Maryland.

Every thing looked clean, new, and beautiful. I

saw few or no dilapidated houses, with poverty-

stricken inmates; no half-naked children and bare-

footed women, such as I had been accustomed to see

in Hillsborough, Easton, St. Michael's, and Balti-

more. The people looked more able, stronger, health-

ier, and happier, than those of Maryland. I was for

once made glad by a view of extreme wealth, without

being saddened by seeing extreme poverty. But the

most astonishing as well as the most interesting thing

to me was the condition of the colored people, a

great many of whom, like myself, had escaped

thither as a refuge from the hunters of men. I found

many, who had not been seven years out of their

chains, living in finer houses, and evidently enjoying

more of the comforts of life, than the average of

slaveholders in Maryland. I will venture to assert,

that my friend Mr. Nathan Johnson (of whom I

can say with a grateful heart, "I was hungry, and he

gave me meat; I was thirsty, and he gave me drink;

I was a stranger, and he took me in") lived in a

neater house; dined at a better table; took, paid

for, and read, more newspapers; better understood

the moral, religious, and political character of the

nation,--than nine tenths of the slaveholders in Tal-

bot county Maryland. Yet Mr. Johnson was a work-

ing man. His hands were hardened by toil, and not

his alone, but those also of Mrs. Johnson. I found the

colored people much more spirited than I had sup-

posed they would be. I found among them a deter-

mination to protect each other from the blood-thirsty

kidnapper, at all hazards. Soon after my arrival, I

was told of a circumstance which illustrated their

spirit. A colored man and a fugitive slave were on

unfriendly terms. The former was heard to threaten

the latter with informing his master of his where-

abouts. Straightway a meeting was called among the

colored people, under the stereotyped notice, "Busi-

ness of importance!" The betrayer was invited to at-

tend. The people came at the appointed hour, and

organized the meeting by appointing a very religious

old gentleman as president, who, I believe, made a

prayer, after which he addressed the meeting as fol-

lows: "~Friends, we have got him here, and I would

recommend that you young men just take him out-

side the door, and kill him!~" With this, a number

of them bolted at him; but they were intercepted

by some more timid than themselves, and the be-

trayer escaped their vengeance, and has not been

seen in New Bedford since. I believe there have

been no more such threats, and should there be here-

after, I doubt not that death would be the conse-

quence.

I found employment, the third day after my ar-

rival, in stowing a sloop with a load of oil. It was

new, dirty, and hard work for me; but I went at it

with a glad heart and a willing hand. I was now my

own master. It was a happy moment, the rapture of

which can be understood only by those who have

been slaves. It was the first work, the reward of

which was to be entirely my own. There was no Mas-

ter Hugh standing ready, the moment I earned the

money, to rob me of it. I worked that day with a

pleasure I had never before experienced. I was at

work for myself and newly-married wife. It was to me

the starting-point of a new existence. When I got

through with that job, I went in pursuit of a job of

calking; but such was the strength of prejudice

against color, among the white calkers, that they re-

fused to work with me, and of course I could get no

employment.* Finding my trade of no immediate

benefit, I threw off my calking habiliments, and pre-

pared myself to do any kind of work I could get to

do. Mr. Johnson kindly let me have his wood-horse

and saw, and I very soon found myself a plenty of

work. There was no work too hard--none too dirty.

I was ready to saw wood, shovel coal, carry wood,

sweep the chimney, or roll oil casks,--all of which I

* I am told that colored persons can now get employment

at calking in New Bedford--a result of anti-slavery effort.

did for nearly three years in New Bedford, before I

became known to the anti-slavery world.

In about four months after I went to New Bed-

ford, there came a young man to me, and inquired

if I did not wish to take the "Liberator." I told him

I did; but, just having made my escape from slavery,

I remarked that I was unable to pay for it then. I,

however, finally became a subscriber to it. The paper

came, and I read it from week to week with such

feelings as it would be quite idle for me to attempt

to describe. The paper became my meat and my

drink. My soul was set all on fire. Its sympathy for

my brethren in bonds--its scathing denunciations of

slaveholders--its faithful exposures of slavery--and its

powerful attacks upon the upholders of the institu-

tion--sent a thrill of joy through my soul, such as

I had never felt before!

I had not long been a reader of the "Liberator,"

before I got a pretty correct idea of the principles,

measures and spirit of the anti-slavery reform. I took

right hold of the cause. I could do but little; but

what I could, I did with a joyful heart, and never felt

happier than when in an anti-slavery meeting. I sel-

dom had much to say at the meetings, because what

I wanted to say was said so much better by others.

But, while attending an anti-slavery convention at

Nantucket, on the 11th of August, 1841, I felt

strongly moved to speak, and was at the same time

much urged to do so by Mr. William C. Coffin, a

gentleman who had heard me speak in the colored

people's meeting at New Bedford. It was a severe

cross, and I took it up reluctantly. The truth was,

I felt myself a slave, and the idea of speaking to

white people weighed me down. I spoke but a few

moments, when I felt a degree of freedom, and said

what I desired with considerable ease. From that

time until now, I have been engaged in pleading the

cause of my brethren--with what success, and with

what devotion, I leave those acquainted with my la-

bors to decide.

APPENDIX

I find, since reading over the foregoing Narrative,

that I have, in several instances, spoken in such a

tone and manner, respecting religion, as may possi-

bly lead those unacquainted with my religious views

to suppose me an opponent of all religion. To re-

move the liability of such misapprehension, I deem

it proper to append the following brief explanation.

What I have said respecting and against religion, I

mean strictly to apply to the ~slaveholding religion~ of

this land, and with no possible reference to Christi-

anity proper; for, between the Christianity of this

land, and the Christianity of Christ, I recognize the

widest possible difference--so wide, that to receive

the one as good, pure, and holy, is of necessity to re-

ject the other as bad, corrupt, and wicked. To be the

friend of the one, is of necessity to be the enemy

of the other. I love the pure, peaceable, and impar-

tial Christianity of Christ: I therefore hate the cor-

rupt, slaveholding, women-whipping, cradle-plunder-

ing, partial and hypocritical Christianity of this land.

Indeed, I can see no reason, but the most deceitful

one, for calling the religion of this land Christianity.

I look upon it as the climax of all misnomers, the

boldest of all frauds, and the grossest of all libels.

Never was there a clearer case of "stealing the livery

of the court of heaven to serve the devil in." I am

filled with unutterable loathing when I contem-

plate the religious pomp and show, together with the

horrible inconsistencies, which every where surround

me. We have men-stealers for ministers, women-

whippers for missionaries, and cradle-plunderers for

church members. The man who wields the blood-

clotted cowskin during the week fills the pulpit on

Sunday, and claims to be a minister of the meek and

lowly Jesus. The man who robs me of my earnings

at the end of each week meets me as a class-leader

on Sunday morning, to show me the way of life,

and the path of salvation. He who sells my sister,

for purposes of prostitution, stands forth as the pi-

ous advocate of purity. He who proclaims it a re-

ligious duty to read the Bible denies me the right

of learning to read the name of the God who made

me. He who is the religious advocate of marriage

robs whole millions of its sacred influence, and leaves

them to the ravages of wholesale pollution. The

warm defender of the sacredness of the family re-

lation is the same that scatters whole families,--sun-

dering husbands and wives, parents and children,

sisters and brothers,--leaving the hut vacant, and the

hearth desolate. We see the thief preaching against

theft, and the adulterer against adultery. We have

men sold to build churches, women sold to support

the gospel, and babes sold to purchase Bibles for

the POOR HEATHEN! ALL FOR THE GLORY OF GOD AND THE

GOOD OF SOULS! The slave auctioneer's bell and the

church-going bell chime in with each other, and the

bitter cries of the heart-broken slave are drowned

in the religious shouts of his pious master. Revivals

of religion and revivals in the slave-trade go hand

in hand together. The slave prison and the church

stand near each other. The clanking of fetters and

the rattling of chains in the prison, and the pious

psalm and solemn prayer in the church, may be

heard at the same time. The dealers in the bodies

and souls of men erect their stand in the presence

of the pulpit, and they mutually help each other.

The dealer gives his blood-stained gold to support

the pulpit, and the pulpit, in return, covers his in-

fernal business with the garb of Christianity. Here

we have religion and robbery the allies of each other

--devils dressed in angels' robes, and hell presenting

the semblance of paradise.

"Just God! and these are they,

Who minister at thine altar, God of right!

Men who their hands, with prayer and blessing, lay

On Israel's ark of light.

"What! preach, and kidnap men?

Give thanks, and rob thy own afflicted poor?

Talk of thy glorious liberty, and then

Bolt hard the captive's door?

"What! servants of thy own

Merciful Son, who came to seek and save

The homeless and the outcast, fettering down

The tasked and plundered slave!

"Pilate and Herod friends!

Chief priests and rulers, as of old, combine!

Just God and holy! is that church which lends

Strength to the spoiler thine?"

The Christianity of America is a Christianity, of

whose votaries it may be as truly said, as it was of

the ancient scribes and Pharisees, "They bind heavy

burdens, and grievous to be borne, and lay them on

men's shoulders, but they themselves will not move

them with one of their fingers. All their works they

do for to be seen of men.--They love the upper-

most rooms at feasts, and the chief seats in the syna-

gogues,...... and to be called of men, Rabbi,

Rabbi.--But woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees,

hypocrites! for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven

against men; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither

suffer ye them that are entering to go in. Ye devour

widows' houses, and for a pretence make long

prayers; therefore ye shall receive the greater dam-

nation. Ye compass sea and land to make one prose-

lyte, and when he is made, ye make him twofold

more the child of hell than yourselves.--Woe unto

you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye pay

tithe of mint, and anise, and cumin, and have omit-

ted the weightier matters of the law, judgment,

mercy, and faith; these ought ye to have done, and

not to leave the other undone. Ye blind guides!

which strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel. Woe

unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye

make clean the outside of the cup and of the platter;

but within, they are full of extortion and excess.--

Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for

ye are like unto whited sepulchres, which indeed ap-

pear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead

men's bones, and of all uncleanness. Even so ye also

outwardly appear righteous unto men, but within

ye are full of hypocrisy and iniquity."

Dark and terrible as is this picture, I hold it to be

strictly true of the overwhelming mass of professed

Christians in America. They strain at a gnat, and

swallow a camel. Could any thing be more true of

our churches? They would be shocked at the propo-

sition of fellowshipping a SHEEP-stealer; and at the

same time they hug to their communion a MAN-

stealer, and brand me with being an infidel, if I

find fault with them for it. They attend with Phari-

saical strictness to the outward forms of religion, and

at the same time neglect the weightier matters of

the law, judgment, mercy, and faith. They are al-

ways ready to sacrifice, but seldom to show mercy.

They are they who are represented as professing to

love God whom they have not seen, whilst they hate

their brother whom they have seen. They love the

heathen on the other side of the globe. They can

pray for him, pay money to have the Bible put into

his hand, and missionaries to instruct him; while

they despise and totally neglect the heathen at their

own doors.

Such is, very briefly, my view of the religion of

this land; and to avoid any misunderstanding, grow-

ing out of the use of general terms, I mean by the

religion of this land, that which is revealed in the

words, deeds, and actions, of those bodies, north and

south, calling themselves Christian churches, and yet

in union with slaveholders. It is against religion, as

presented by these bodies, that I have felt it my

duty to testify.

I conclude these remarks by copying the following

portrait of the religion of the south, (which is, by

communion and fellowship, the religion of the

north,) which I soberly affirm is "true to the life,"

and without caricature or the slightest exaggeration.

It is said to have been drawn, several years before

the present anti-slavery agitation began, by a north-

ern Methodist preacher, who, while residing at the

south, had an opportunity to see slaveholding mor-

als, manners, and piety, with his own eyes. "Shall

I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not

my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?"